NIAS

Dr. Mohammed Mossadegh (19 May 1881 - 5 March 1967) was an eccentric European-educated lawyer whose father was a Ashtiani finance minister and whose mother descended from Qajar kings. He studied at École libre des sciences politiques in Paris and in 1914, received his PhD in Law from the University of Neuchâtel in Switzerland. His dissertation was pioneering for its in-depth study of Shi’i Islamic law in a European language, and Mossadegh rendered many Islamic legal terms for the first time into French.

Dr. Mohammad Mossadeqh

On 28 April 1951 the Majlis named Mossadegh as new prime minister by a vote of 79-12. Aware of Mossadegh’s rising popularity and political power, the young Shah was left with no other option but to give assent to the Parliament’s vote. Shortly after coming to office, Mossadegh enforced the Oil Nationalization Act, which involved the expropriation of the AIOC’s assets.

Dr. Mohammad Mossadeqh "Man of the Year" on the cover of Time Magazine on January 7th 1952 issue

The democratically elected prime minister of Iran in 1951 and served as a minister and governor before he opposed Reza Shah’s accession in the 1920’s. He was twice appointed to office by Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the Shah of Iran, and approved by the vote of parliament . Mossadegh was a nationalist and passionately opposed foreign intervention in Iran. He was also the architect of the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry which was dominated and exploited by the British through the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (today known as British Petroleum (BP)

Soldiers surround the Parliament building in Tehran on 19 August 1953

He amassed power. When the shah refused his demand for control of the armed forces in 1952, Dr. Mossadegh resigned, only to be reinstated in the face of popular riots. He then displayed a streak of authoritarianism, bypassing Parliament by conducting a national referendum to win approval for its dissolution.

Dr. Mossadeqh on military trial in 1953

Responding to the latter, the British government announced it would not allow Mossadegh’s government to export any oil produced in the formerly British-controlled refineries. A blockade by British ships was established in the Persian Gulf to prevent any attempts by Iran to ship oil out of the country. Furthermore, the AIOC withdrew its British trained technicians when Mossadegh nationalized the oil industry. Thus, many of the refineries lacked properly trained technicians that were needed to continue production. An economic stalemate thus ensued, with Mossadegh’s government refusing to allow any British involvement in Iran’s oil industry, and Britain refusing to allow any oil to leave Iran.

Dr. Mossadegh embraced by Iranians

Since Britain had long been Iran’s primary oil-consumer, the stalemate was particularly hard on Iran. While the country had once boasted over a 100 million dollars a year in exports to Britain, after nationalization, the same oil industry began increasing Iran’s debt by nearly 10 million dollars a month. The Abadan Crisis quickly plunged the country into economic difficulties.

The popular and loved prime minister

Despite the economic hardships of his nationalization plan, Mossadegh remained popular, and in 1952 was approved by parliament for a second term. Sensing the difficulties of a worsening political and economic climate, he announced that he would ask the Shah to grant him emergency powers. Thus, during the royal approval of his new cabinet, Mossadegh insisted on the constitutional prerogative of the prime minister to name a Minister of War and the Chief of Staff. The Shah refused, and Mossadegh announced his resignation.

Ahmad Qavam (also known as Ghavam os-Saltaneh) was appointed as Iran’s new prime minister. On the day of his appointment, he announced his intention to resume negotiations with the British to end the oil dispute. This blatant reversal of Mossadegh’s plans sparked a massive public outrage. Protestors of all stripes filled the streets, including communists and radical Muslims led by Ayatollah Kashani. Frightened by the unrest, the Shah quickly dismissed Qavam, and re-appointed Mossadegh, granting him the full control of the military he had previously requested.

Taking advantage of his popularity, Mossadegh convinced the parliament to grant him increased powers and appointed Ayatollah Kashani as house speaker. Kashani’s radical Muslims, as well as the Tudeh Party, proved to be two of Mossadegh’s key political allies, although both relationships were often strained.

Mossadegh quickly implemented more sociopolitical changes. Iran’s centuries old feudal agriculture sector was abolished, and replaced with a system of collective farming and government land ownership.

The government of Britain had grown increasingly distressed over Mossadegh’s policies and were especially bitter over the loss of their control on the Iranian oil industry. Despite Mossadegh’s repeated attempts to negotiate a reasonable settlement with them they refused outright the same terms, and later total control over Iranian oil.

He was later removed from power by Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, in a CIA orchestrated coup, supported and funded by the British and the U.S. governments. The coup was led by CIA agent Kermit Roosevelt, Jr., the grandson of U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt, and came to be known as Operation Ajax, after its CIA cryptonym, and as the “28 Mordad 1332″ coup, after its date on the Iranian calendar.

In August 1953, a dismissal attempt by the shah sent Dr. Mossadegh’s followers into the streets. The shah fled, amid fears in the new Eisenhower administration that Iran might move too close to Moscow. Yet Dr. Mossadegh did not promote the interests of the Communists, though he drew on their support. Paradoxically, the party turned from him in the end because it viewed him as insufficiently committed and too close to the United States. By the time the royalist coup overthrew him after a few chaotic days, he had alienated many landowners, clerics and merchants. After a trial, he served three years in prison and ended up under house arrest at his estate. In March 1967, in his mid-80’s and weakened by radium treatments for throat cancer, he died. Upon his death in 1967, the shah did not allow Dr. Mossadegh to be buried among his supporters in Ibn Baviyya cemetery. So he was buried under the floor of his sitting room in his Ahmad Abad compound

To this day, Mossadegh is one of the most popular figures in Iranian history. In the developing world Dr. Mossadegh became an icon of anti-imperialism. though he is generally ignored by the government of the Islamic Republic. Despite his stature as a nationalist he is shunned because of his secularism and western manners.

The extent of the US role in Mossadegh’s overthrow was not formally acknowledged for many years, although the Eisenhower administration was quite vocal in its opposition to the policies of the ousted Iranian Prime Minister. In his memoirs, Eisenhower writes angrily about Mossadegh, and describes him as impractical and naive, though stops short of admitting any overt involvement in the coup.

Eventually the CIA’s role became well-known, and caused controversy within the organization itself, and within the CIA congressional hearings of the 1970’s. CIA supporters maintain that the plot against Mossadegh was strategically necessary, and praise the efficiency of agents in carrying out the plan. Critics say the scheme was paranoid and colonial, as well as immoral.

In March 2000 then secretary of state Madeleine Albright stated her regret that Mossadegh was ousted: “The Eisenhower administration believed its actions were justified for strategic reasons. But the coup was clearly a setback for Iran’s political development and it is easy to see now why many Iranians continue to resent this intervention by America.” In the same year, the New York Times published a detailed report about the coup based on CIA documents.

For his sudden rise in popularity inside and outside of Iran, and for his defiance of the British, Mossadegh was named as Time Magazine’s 1952 Man of the Year.